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Norberg B. Umeå – a society model [culture]! Rondel 2002; 10. URL: http://www.rondellen.net

Basic assumptions of the analysis

One basic assumption of the present analysis is that the psychology of man is the same during the last four thousand years (cf 2-5). Another basic assumption is that human rights, as developed by Western European countries (cf 6), applies to all Swedish citizens. The norm conflicts of Sweden are more transparent than most other norm conflicts; the language is the same, education and health care are available to all citizens, most political movements operate within the law, most democratic opinions are more or less tolerated. Thus, the case of Swedish norm conflicts provides a simple model for historians, sociologists, and politicians for the generation of hypoteses and models, which might be applied to norm conflicts in more complex centexts.

Selection of medical students 1959

The first medical students in Umeå 1959 were a group of 18 persons. Tord Ångström returned to Umeå for family reasons (7). Hans Åberg (1) tells us that a bottle-neck situation was emerging in medical education in Stockholm and Uppsala. Those who wished to avoid a delay in their studies were inclined to continue their studies in Umeå.

Åberg feels that the first medical students in Umeå fared better than other medical students of their generation (1). Especially, he emphasizes that patients and tutors were available in Umeå. Such observations by Ångström and Åberg are compatible with my own observations, when I came from Lund to Umeå 1980; the training and education of medical students appeared to be good by Swedish standards. For structural reasons, I believe that medical education in Umeå is still of national top quality.

Professor kinetics

The career of Hans Åberg (1) illustrates the classical advancement in the medicine of Sweden with rural excursions to e.g Boden, Umeå, Örebro and final forwarding to professorships or chief positions accoding to own ranks and position ranks. These ranks varied from time to time. My hypothesis is that the advancement system formed an elastic model for know-how equilibration within the country. The migrating persons served as tags, marking the currents of knowledge within the country.

From about 1920, Umeå served as a key position in the career of the best physicians with names such as e.g. Carl-Henrik Giertz and Martin Odin. In the university period from 1965 and forth, Umeå has provided other universities with many professors. My hypothesis is that the professor production in Umeå has fortified Umeå instead of providing a one-sided favor for the national and international professor market.

The described kinetics of professors might seem a bit in the abstract. Erik Ask-Upmark, a profile of Swedish internal medicine, was forwarded from Lund to Gotheburg and then to Uppsala. The nephrologist Bertil Hood was forwarded from Gothenburg to Uppsala, Lund, and finally Malmö. The geriatrician Bertil Steen was forwarded from Gothenburg to Umeå, Malmö, and finally Gothenburg.

My hypothesis is that the mentioned professor kinetics reflected a need to balance the health care of the country. In the take-off stage of hospital health care in Sweden from about 1950, each professor projected his own personality and strength into fixed capital. In Lund, the professor of rheumatology was also a member of the parliament. He built a concrete bunker of block size for rheumatology. Later, neurology with Ragnar Muller as engine approached the size of internal medicine, three wards versus four. Nephrology with dialysis was also srong, two wards. The owner (society) had to balance and re-balance the influence of strong executives (professors).

Main medical traditions of Sweden

For historical and geographical reasons, Swedish health care is organized as primary health care and hospital care. Hospital care is organized as county care, regional care and national care. The primary health care dominated in the period 1920-1950 with centers like small one-doctor copies of the non-divided hospital. The hospitals dominated from 1960 till now, when primary health care is re-gaining patients and resources.

In medicine, the distance between the neighbor cities Lund and Malmö in the south part of Sweden was said to be the circumference of the globe minus 20 kilometers (1). The same statement was applied to the sister towns in central Sweden, Stockholm and Uppsala. These jokes correspond to local competition in the economy model of bench marketing.

In fact, there are three territories of tradition in Swedish medicine. The south territory of tradition has Lund-Malmö as keel and reaches to the middle of Småland and Halland. The west territory of tradition has Gothenburg as keel and comprises Västergötland, Värmland, the worth-west part of Småland and the north part of Halland. The east territory of tradition has Stockholm-Uppsala as keel and Linköping, Örebro, Umeå as middle-sized self-confident intelectual vassals. "We fix the problem like this in Örebro!"

The migration of physicians and scientists and the annual National Meeting of the Swedish Medical Association contribute to neutralize the territory differences of tradition. Nevertheless, a doctor trained in the west territory of tradition might appear slightly eccentric in the context of any of the two other traditions, and vice versa.

Hans Åberg migrated within the north territory of tradition (1). He marks the comeback of primary health care as the backbone of health care. The comeback was promoted by the owner, which insisted that the general practitioner should be a specialist of his own with the same education, training, salary and standing as hospital-based specialists. Qualified scientists were recruited from internal medicine to the professorships of primary health care. Åke Nordén in Lund (Dalby) was the first. Others in the suite were e.g. Gösta Tibblin in Uppsala, Calle Bengtsson in Gohenburg, Erik Trell in Linköping.

The fertilization of primary health care with qualified scientists from internal medicine was conspicuous. My hypothesis is that internal medicine was the broadest of the hospital specialties and teemed with skilled and devoted scientists in the period 1960-90. Many such scientists sooner or later had to choose between some more focused niche among hospital specialties or, like Åberg, follow their patients through the outdoor clinic of internal medicine into primary health care. From about 1990, primary health care is self-supporting concerning scientists in the professor league.

Present and future Umeå

In previous "Culture" papers, the modern history of Umeå was described by some key doctors, who passed by in their career towards top jobs, where such could be found. The paper of Tord Ångström (7) shifted focus from Umeå to the north part of Sweden, Norrland, and its people and its ongoing restructuring to a modern post-industrial society.

In 1950, Umeå had two regiments for the training of the draftees of the conscript army of the land in peace, a county governor, educations for teachers of 7-10-year-old children, a few small factories, some trading. Now Umeå has about 100,000 inhabitants (www.umea.se). On the county level, the health care of Umeå serves about 140,000 persons (www.vll.se). The University of Umeå is planing at approximately the same level as other mature universities of Sweden (www.umu.se).

The regional resources of the University Hospital of Northern Sweden in Umeå serve Norrland with a population base of about 900,000 persons. Two younger sister universities are emerging in the north part and in the south part of the region. It is my hypothesis that local competition between the universities of Umeå, Luleå, Skellefteå, Östersund and Sundsvall will prove as fruitful in the future as the competition between Umeå, Uppsala and Stockholm in previous decades.

The coast land of Norrland is still expanding. In contrast, the woodland has been emptied of people for 50 years. Furthermore, its present population is expected to shrink by 50% until 2040. The population implosion in the woodland provides a major adaptation problem for the region. For the time being, the region is maintained by lumbering, mining, energy production, education - with various degrees of processing. It is reasonable to assume that the potential of development lies in further refinement and ecological tourism.

The aborigine problem

Norrland has been populated for more than 8,000 years, as evidenced by many archeological findings (8). The native populations up to about 200 after Christ are impossible to define. From geographical reasons, it is reasonable to assume that most of the chromosomes and genes of the native populations still re-circulate in Sweden and in societies with Swedish immigration, e.g The USA. The native populations maintained themselves by fishing, hunting (mainly elks and seals), and to a minor degree farming.

The reindeer appeared in Norrland about 200 after Christ. Reindeer herding has expanded, especially during the period 1500 to 2000 (cf. 8). The reindeer farmers, who invested in herding, had to follow their flocks (nomadize) over increasing distances, in 1950 about 200 kilometers a year. Up to about 1960, the reindeer flocks seldom crossed the trunk line of the railway along Norrland; the trunk line follows approximately the highest maritime line about 80 kilometers from the coast along the outskirts of the woodland proper.

Up to 1912, many farmers of Norrland had access to reindeer farming. The nomads (Laps, Sames) then got monopoly on reindeer herding, which could be combined with other occupations. In the period 1950-2000, the reindeer flocks have expanded. From the expansion of reindeer pastures, support feeding, bussing, and annual slaughter, it is estimated that the number of reindeer is thrice the number allowed by law restrictions for the protection of environment; two reindeer out of three are supposed to be outlaws.

In contrast to reindeer, the number of Laps has decreased in the period 1950-2000. Now about 150 persons have their main living as reindeer herdsmen. The herding is motorized with cars, trucks, scooters, helicopters, support feeding, ambulant slaughterhouses. "Never have so many reindeer been bussed by so few Laps". Wheel-borne reindeer and Laps now travel over a 400 kilometer range and back each winter. Car driving 50,000 kilometers a year and scooter driving 10,000 kilometers a year take their tribute from Lap skeleton and joints. Most modern Laps have to retire from full-time herding between 40-50 years of age.

Since about 1960, the Laps claim to be the true aborigines of Norrland. The claim implies great economical favors for a limited group of citizens concerning meat production, ownership of land, selling of natural resources for energy production, fishing, hunting. Although the legal basis of the Lap claim stays on shaky pillars, the demands have received a surprisingly positive response from county authorities and national authorities.

The archeological findings ((8) only show life style at each specific site during a defined time period, not the language and the genetic makeup of the users. The ancestors of modern Finns, Laps and Swedes have lived and moved through Norrland during the last two thousand years. Most descendants of the reindeer farmers went into settlements, ordinary farming, lumbering and mining in the period 1850-1950. From about 1950, most Lap descendants spread all over Sweden in all jobs and at all levels of the society.

The spreading of Lap descendants through the Swedish society was enhanced by the absence of strong racist prejudices in Sweden. The Magna Charta of Lapland 1673 was to a considerable extent the work of a Lap descendant, Johan Gran, who had reached the top job of county governor of Västerbotten. This information is extracted from the summary of the book of the folklore researcher O.P. Pettersson (see e.g. 9). It is evident from the books of the Bernhard Nordh (see e.g. 9) that the bias between Laps and Swedes were hardly greater than the bias between different rural villages of Swedes, which were close to those described in the Shire (10).

The authorities of reindeer herding are the administrative board of the state at the county level and the ministry of agriculture at the national level. The Same Moot is a hybrid between an authority and an elected convention. The voters have to show some kinship to an ancestor registered as reindeer owner. Many registered voters do not vote. Many potential voters have not taken the trouble to register. Many interested voters are excluded due to lack of a registered ancestor.

A reindeer is tagged in its ear with the mark of the owner. There are many "sleeping marks", mainly a few foster reindeer for kinsmen in other occupations. The present Laps, living mainly on reindeer herding, are organized in 15 active "Same Villages", which have the monopoly of reindeer herding and choose a new member, when one scooter turns empty. A sleeping mark can, at need, expand quickly. The three achfarms of my home village, registered by king Gustaf Wasa in 1543 had each its own reindeer mark up to 1860, when the archfarms were divided into eight smaller farms. The marks are thought to have existed until 1912. The foster reindeer of Norsjö-Långträsk were a biological marvel; they did not reproduce, nor did they die out. My hypothesis is that they provided a shield against poaching and a social hostage, much like foster reindeer at present.

The genetic heterogeneity of Norrland is now conspicuous (cf. 11, 12). The sexual reproduction of man implies that every person has 23 chromosomes from biological father and 23 chromosomes from biological mother. In next generation with four chromosome donors, the average donation is 11.5 chromosomes, the range 0-23. This is the basic biological roulette. In generation VI, there are 64 donors (23:64<0.5). After six generations, roughly equivalent with 150 years, we all belong to mankind (cf 2). Man is a bastard by nature.

The construction of the biological roulette makes the roots of a proband below the sixth generation "imaginary". At least one of my imaginary roots traces down to the first farms of Norsjö-Långträsk. Furthermore, I am the carrier of a typical Lap gene, the blood group A2 (cf 11). However, I am denied of my vote to the Same Moot due to lack of a written registration in a culture without letters. In contrast, my three eldest children have the right to vote for the Same Moot, since the maternal grandfather of their mother was at least once mentioned as "reindeer farmer" (lappbrukare) in the national register of Sweden; history will remember Per-Erik Frank (1855-1933) as the first teacher of Malå.

As a pedigree bastard, I question the justice and the political prudence in proclaiming the professionals of a young occupation, reindeer herding, as aborigines with privileges above other citizens. My hypothesis is that the Lap claim is just one branch of a worldwide aborigine humbug. At the Olympiad of Sydney, the aborigine representative could not speak their language. The aborigine logotype has become a livelihood for white-collar sellers. However, the Lap problem of Norrland may provide a useful model for the solution of aborigine problems in other parts of the world, e.g. in Australia, Chile, Middle East, and the USA.

Creation of winner-winner games

Current reindeer herding wears off pasture, land, and Laps. "The definition of a capitalist is that he digs his own grave, provided that price is right." Current reindeer herding requires bussing, support feeding, and heavy subventions from the Government. Current reindeer herding is contrary to human values such as equality between citizens. Current reindeer herding is contrary to preservation of great predators such as bear, lynx, glutton, and eagle; the wolf is a race within the dog species and can survive as dog (9).

It is suggested that the first step in the solution of the Lap problem of Norrland would be to grant present reindeer herdsmen life-lasting but not hereditary pension, the full annual income of reindeer herding, according to their income tax return. It is reasonable to assume that this generosity will cost the Government less than present subventions. The income of the last reindeer slaughter should belong to the retiring herdsmen, an act of reverence to an epoch of nomad life and motorized meat production. My hypothesis is that the mobile slaughterhouses of reindeer farming might prove a lasting contribution to ordinary farming; long transports of cattle to stationary slaughterhouses have been criticized.

Some reindeer should be spared in the last slaughter, as many as required to form a viable strain of wild reindeer. Then the large predators may be preserved in balance with elks, reindeer, and licensed hunting. Hunting and fishing should be associated with ordinary ownership of land, same conditions for all citizens. The hunters of the woodland of Norrland have grown old and are no longer able to protect the forests from hungry elks. It is reasonable to assume that the great predators will do the job better.

There is much money in ecological tourism. The price for a fish sold to a shop is about 2 US dollars per kilogram. The price of a fish caught by a tourist is about 200 US dollars per kilogram. Corresponding sums lie hidden in hunting, canoeing, skiing, berry-picking, taxidermy, ordinary handicraft. The retired herdsmen should be encouraged to go into ecological tourism, but the trade should be open for all citizens.

When the financial problems are solved in the terms of a just welfare state, there still remains a cultural heirloom, which belongs to all Swedish citizens. It is suggested that the profession of Lap is maintained and modernized, like most other professions. About 50 positions as Lap should be established, about one position for each shire in Norrland. The future Lap should be a Government official, education and training at the MA level at least. His main occupation should be the launching of the ecological tourism of his district. The education should contain vet medicine, forestry and gardening, culture, and history.

The education and training of future Laps should be open to all Swedish citizens and also to some foreign students; he Lap culture belongs to the world. The university institution of Lap education and training should be located to the geographical center of Sweden, Örebro. The majority of the descendants of ancestor Laps are now living in the regions of Stockholm, Göteborg and Lund. Furthermore, it would be an act of political prudence not to place the Lap University within shooting range of the fiercest fanatics.

Conclusion

The Umeå region serves as a model of society development and solution of norm conflicts due to its history, its unique race mixture, and the unique national register of Sweden.